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At the heart of the social and political mobilization against the pension reform project, one party seems to be particularly “beneficial” from this crisis: the National Rally (RN), as recent polls show . With 88 deputies in the National Assembly and an increased presence in the media, has the RN become a partisan organization like the others? Leaving aside the game of Nupe-style alliances, it makes it, in any case, the main opposition party to the government – a party which has played a significant role during the last legislative sequences around the pension reform.
20 years earlier, when the far right reached the second round of the presidential election for the first time in its history, France was in shock. 1.3 million people demonstrate against the National Front (FN), including many young people . Jean-Marie Le Pen faces an anti-FN mobilization so strong that he does not even reach 18% of the phone number list vote in the second round of these 2002 elections against Jacques Chirac (about 5.5 million votes). The Republican Front works perfectly. What strategy was applied by the FN-RN, to move from the status of a marginal and reviled party to a notabilised, even institutionalized organization?
The year 2018 is marked by another moment of erasing the past strategy. It goes through the change of name of the party. The National Front is no more, the National Rally was born. With this word “gathering” materializes the desire to move from a party of protest to a party of government: “gathering” in order to be able to govern. In the same logic, in 2022, Marine Le Pen stands far from Eric Zemmour and does not give in to his foot calls, proving once again his attachment to this strategy of demonization.
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